Against waning Western influences, Türkiye is growing as a reliable partner to African countries as it reaps the benefits of seeds it has sown in business and diplomacy across the continent for the past two decades under what Ankara calls its “win-win policy.”
Ankara’s mediation between Ethiopia and Somalia over a controversial deal with the breakaway region of Somaliland has demonstrated its strategic influence in the Horn of Africa, said Kaan Devecioğlu, the Northern Africa Coordinator at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies (ORSAM), an Ankara-based think tank.
Türkiye has managed to bring Somalia and Ethiopia together for two rounds of indirect talks in Ankara, “but reaching a resolution is still a fraught process and Türkiye’s success relies on its ability to find a balanced solution between two demands,” argued Devecioğlu.
Talks supervised by Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan haven’t been finalized and a third round is expected in Ankara this month.
East African nations’ relations soured in January when Addis Ababa agreed to lease 20 kilometers (12 miles) of coastline from Somaliland in exchange for recognition of its independence.
Ethiopia, landlocked since Red Sea coastal Eritrea gained independence from it in 1991, says it needs access to the sea for efficient maritime trade. Mogadishu insists that Somaliland, which has not obtained international recognition despite enjoying practical autonomy for more than 30 years, is part of Somalia and considers the deal illegal.
The two countries, which have fought two wars in the past century, agreed in March to resolve their quarrel. Somaliland is not involved in the talks.
While Türkiye has pledged its support for Somalia after the deal’s announcement, hailing international law, it aims to resolve the issue “in a way that will benefit not only Somalia and Ethiopia but the entire region.”
It also said it had secured support from countries in the region for its mediation efforts, which will recommence on Sept. 17.
‘Actions, not words’
Türkiye’s active involvement underlines the deepening trust and mutual dependence it has cultivated in the region.
“The fact that Türkiye brings results with actions and not words makes it a reliable partner for African nations,” said professor Ahmet Kavas, Türkiye’s inaugural ambassador to N’Djamena, Chad and former envoy to Senegal currently lecturing at Istanbul Trade University.
“Ankara is naturally striving to facilitate broad cooperation and an environment of compatibility in the region rather than the implementation of this port deal,” Kavas told Daily Sabah.
He praised Türkiye’s field of influence in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, aided by its close ties with Somalia, which he said have cemented it as “a country in the international area that resolves complicated issues.”
Türkiye has become a close ally of the Somali government since President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan first visited Mogadishu in 2011, training its security forces and building infrastructure. In 2017, it opened its biggest overseas military base in Mogadishu.
It is also set to deploy navy support to Somali waters after a February agreement that Ankara will drill the coast of Somalia for oil and gas, similar to the vessel probing the Libyan seabed.
“Increasing Turkish activity in Somalia is a key step in Ankara’s strategy of forging long-term influence in the continent and a reference point for other nations,” Devecioğlu said.
Türkiye provided diplomatic support in Ethiopia during the 2020 clashes between federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).
Beyond political brokering in Eastern Africa, Ankara accumulated soft power through education, media and its shared religion with many African Muslim countries.
When the Tigray war ended, the Turkish Maarif Foundation immediately opened a school in Tigray. It has since expanded to a network of 140 schools and institutions catering to 17,000 pupils, while 60,000 Africans are students in Türkiye.
Turkish Airlines also crisscrosses the continent, flying to 62 destinations in Africa. In 2012, it became the first airline to return to Mogadishu, whose airport was rebuilt with Turkish funding and assistance.
In the past two decades, Turkish-African bilateral trade volume sprang from $5 billion (TL 170 billion) to $30 billion; Turkish diplomatic missions climbed from 12 to 44, and African missions in Ankara rose to 38.
Now, Türkiye is targeting Africa as a whole in international politics, defense and security cooperation, health care, education and humanitarian aid. In recent years, it signed defense agreements with a number of states, including Libya, Kenya, Rwanda, Nigeria and Ghana, opening up contracts for Türkiye’s reliable and inexpensive drone-makers like Bayraktar. Popularly used in the fight against terrorism, Turkish drones have been recently delivered to Chad, Togo, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger.
Devecioğlu believes Ankara must find the right balance with Ethiopia and Somalia because “if the Ankara process fails and tensions soar, Türkiye’s economic interest could be jeopardized in Somalia.”
Kavas said oil exploration on Somali shores could provide economic relief for the country and attract third parties like Austria, China, Canada and the U.K., which hold serious investments in African underground mines.
“In the long run, Türkiye’s role in Africa will advance into a model that contributes to the continent’s development goals in economy and security, and promotes it as an alternative to Western powers and China,” Devecioğlu said.
Türkiye often emphasizes the “sincerity” of its presence on the continent compared to that of Europeans, who bear the legacy of colonialism. It has also proven a reliable partner in the construction and infrastructure sectors.
“Türkiye’s small moves in Africa since 2022 have always birthed larger ones,” Kavas said. “Striking the right note in a 54-nation continent is not an easy feat, but the fact Ankara demonstrated care for Somalia in its hardest hour, without pursuing any self-interest, pushed other African nations to show more interest in Türkiye.”
