Israel’s killing of Hassan Nasrallah, notorious terrorist and longtime leader of Hezbollah, has elicited an array of reactions reflecting the deep divisions within Lebanon and the Middle East. For some, including revelers in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, and even Iran, the decapitation of the Iran-backed terrorist organization represents a significant step toward liberation from Iran’s tyranny, pursued by the Islamic Republic not to advance Arab welfare but as a futile attempt to destroy Israel at all costs. Celebrations among those weary from years of conflict and subjugation speak to the enduring spirit of a people long oppressed by the Ayatollahs. To them, Nasrallah’s demise represents a once-in-a-lifetime chance to break free from the shackles of militant extremism. It opens the door to a future of peace, prosperity, and Lebanese national sovereignty.
Others respond with worry and outrage. They tend to think of this weekend’s events as another red line crossed by Israel, while downplaying or ignoring Hezbollah’s role as one of the most significant contributors to regional instability. For them, Nasrallah’s death represents an escalation that will lead to more bloodshed. Some academics cited by the media have worried that any further effort to push Lebanon and Iran apart will “stoke unrest” and “Lebanon’s fragile stability will again be shattered.” Unsurprisingly, Ayatollah Khamenei has threatened that “The fate of this region will be determined by the forces of resistance, with Hezbollah at the forefront.”
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Most Lebanese civilians recognize that these “forces of resistance” have only brought suffering upon Lebanon. Yet some Hezbollah sympathizers follow Iran in blaming Israel and the West for their troubles. These competing reactions thus embody the two pivotal looming questions: Is it possible for Lebanon to seize this moment of unprecedented Hezbollah weakness to cast off Iran’s influence and restore the vibrant country it once was? And, is now the time for those who want peace in the region to push ambition or caution?
While I realize, of course, how complex and dangerous the situation is, the possibility of charting a new direction for Lebanon is tantalizing. Beirut is as close as it has been in decades to rebuilding itself once again as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Nasrallah’s death presents an unprecedented opportunity for Lebanon to gain momentum towards reclaiming its glory by pushing away its tormentors in Tehran. So, my answers are, yes, and it is time for cautious, but steady ambition.
Many of my Lebanese friends lament how Iran and its proxies have come to dominate their beloved nation. They see little hope for Lebanon’s future as long as Iran dominates. They long for a Lebanon not defined by the machinations of outside forces, and view Iran and its terrorist puppets—not Israel—as the true adversary. They see the historical and cultural richness of Lebanon being overshadowed by opportunistic invaders.
Their perspective highlights a profound yearning for national identity that transcends sectarian divides, united against an imperialist agenda that undermines Lebanon’s unique potential as a great hub of commerce, culture, and tourism.
During my time at the White House, I often heard predictions that Lebanon would be the last Arab nation to normalize relations with Israel. This sentiment was largely rooted in Hezbollah’s perceived strength. Now that the grounds have shifted—for the first time in decades, Hezbollah’s dominance is no longer a fact—there is an opportunity for Lebanon to rethink its alliances and priorities.
This moment could present a landmark chance to engage Israel as a potential partner in combating Iranian influence. Strategic recalibration consistent with the Abraham Accords would benefit the Lebanese, Israelis, and the rest of the region. Lebanon should not wait for the ever-elusive Israel-Palestinian peace to be at hand to think about Lebanon first, to chart a new course for the next generations of Lebanese.
Those who caution against pushing Lebanon to sever ties with Iran risk once again abandoning Lebanon before even allowing it the chance to redefine its future. If the last few years in the Middle East have taught us anything, it should be that you must push out bad actors whenever you can and embrace opportunities for stability whenever they present themselves.
Even if Lebanon does not seize this moment, the removal of an evil terrorist organization like Hezbollah and the strategic blow to Iran represent significant gains for Israel, the region, and the world. Nasrallah’s death is a good thing for those who reject hatred, violence, and chaos.
The U.S. should continue to support Israel as it crushes Iran’s proxies, which is essential to advancing the interests of Israel, America, and America’s Arab allies. Anything less appeases terror groups and emboldens Iran to think America is indifferent to Iran’s murderous pursuits.
We should not be satisfied with less evil when we can foster more goodness and stability.
That is not to downplay how fraught this moment is. We do not know yet how the Iranian regime and what’s left of its terror proxies across the world will react. We do know, though, that windows of opportunities to free countries from brutal regimes do not come every day.
The people of Lebanon and their allies are signaling that they are ready to capitalize on Hezbollah’s weakness. We also know that freedom movements cascade once they begin. If Lebanon can free itself from Iran’s clutches, perhaps Yemen may liberate itself from the Houthis, and Iran from its fanatical regime. It may even blaze a trail for an end to the horrific ongoing violence in Syria, a country and a tragedy that few even speak about these days.
Until the Abraham Accords became a reality, we heard every reason imaginable for why they were not possible. But our naysayers were wrong, because the U.S., Israel, and, most importantly, courageous and forward-looking Arab partners saw a historic opportunity and capitalized on it.
We can do that again if we are decisive and bold.
Those who think a Middle East freed from Iran is a better place need to think quickly and carefully about how we can help achieve our shared dream of a thriving Lebanon and perhaps even a more stable and secure Middle East no longer threatened by the tyranny of the Iranian regime.
Jason D. Greenblatt was the White House Middle East envoy in the Trump administration. He is the author of “In the Path of Abraham: How Donald Trump Made Peace in the Middle East — and How to Stop Joe Biden from Unmaking It,” and the founder of Abraham Venture LLC. Follow him on X: @GreenblattJD.
The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.
